By Hanna Jennings
Old wooden operating tables, undrinkable and contaminated water, doctors with unsterilized equipment in a case lined with velvet, operating rooms with over eighty students watching, sewers exploding from a build-up of methane gas, accidental carbolic acid poisoning from trying to eradicate the germs that lurked out of sight, invasive procedures, and violating exams were no nightmare, but rather were just standard public health in London during the mid-nineteenth century. In just the span of thirty years, London’s understanding of infectious disease and public health would change the city dramatically. By 1875, London had a fully functioning sewer system, and by 1880 the Germ Theory of Disease was beginning to be more widely accepted. With the public’s new understanding of the “unseen” germs, several disease pandemics, the recent invention of carbolic acid soap, and a legislation more concerned with public health, the perfect stage was set in 1897 for Bram Stoker’s Dracula. With the fear of disease at an all-time high, Dracula comes to represent the unseen force or germ that moves effortless through London’s streets, silently spreading his contagion much like London’s previous outbreaks of cholera and syphilis. Dracula’s ability to infect and spread amongst any individual, regardless of class, is similar to the cholera outbreaks that affected Londoners of all economic backgrounds; the threat of syphilis mirrored the threat of more sexually liberated women, as Dracula was published on the cusp of feminism in London in response to the Contagious Disease Acts. In order to maintain the elevated and scientific society Stoker portrays London as in Dracula, the corruption and impurity which arises from foreign threats such as contagion must be eradicated.
Two major pandemics which lead to some of the most drastic changes in London were the Broad Street cholera outbreak and the ongoing, unregulated syphilis outbreak that had been haunting London for years. The 1854 Broad Street cholera outbreak began when a water pipe was constructed next to the river banks where London’s untreated human waste and industrial pollution was dumped in to the river human waste and industrial pollution was dumped in to the river Thames. This was one of the last severe cholera outbreaks, but by 1854, cholera had already claimed over fifty-two thousand lives.

Fatality rates aside, the emergence of an infectious disease with the symptoms of cholera was visibly terrifying as well. Cholera’s symptoms included severe loss of skin elasticity, hypertension, severe emesis, lethargy, and episodes of copious, explosive watery diarrhea. The disease was very physical, with the appearance of infected individuals changing drastically in a short period of time, as shown with the illustration from the Wellcome Collection of the physical differences between a young female patient before she was infected, and shortly thereafter. The drastic physical changes earned cholera the title of the Blue Plague, as infected individuals lips and skin would turn gray-blue due to a loss of fluids. The physical changes and the smell helped people to visualize how fast the disease could spread during an outbreak, and how fatal the disease was. However, it wasn’t until the outbreak on Baker Street when John Snow discovered that cholera spread through “germ” infested waters instead of miasma, a now obsolete medical theory which upheld that disease was spread by foul smelling air.
London’s rapid increase of population and industrialization, combined with abysmal excrement disposal is an environmental pollution frequently alluded to in Dracula. Dracula is described as traveling within a “white mist,” and his presence has some sort of influence over the mist that surrounds himself. The night Dracula first arrives in Whitby, the old sailor, who had told stories to Mina, sensed his impending doom and Dracula’s presence by the taste and smell of the early storm’s air: “Look! Look! He cried suddenly. ‘There’s something in that wind and in the hoast beyont that sounds, and looks, and tastes, and smells like death. It’s in the air. I feel it comin” (108). The smell of death overtaking the city is not something that would be foreign to Londoners, especially following the Great Stink of 1858 when the hot weather severely exacerbated the smell of untreated fecal waste in the River Thames.
Upon entering the Chapel where Dracula had been hiding his dirt, Johnathan recounts the smell of the air: “The long disuse had made the air stagnant and foul. There was an earthy smell, as of some dry miasma, which came through the fouler air. . .It was not alone that it was composed of all the ills of mortality and with the pungent, acrid smell of blood, but it seemed as though corruption had become itself corrupt” (358-359). This horrible stench that clung to the Chapel originated from “every breath exhaled by that monster” (359); Stoker uses this sense to inform the audience that Dracula is so contagious, even entering a space he has resided in puts the individual at risk of contagion. Johnathan notes that the smell was so horrible that, under any other circumstances, the group would have left, but because their purpose was so important, they had: “a strength which rose above merely physical considerations” (359). This miasma of Dracula was the onset of the vampiric disease, a disease that can be best understood when comparing it to London’s syphilis outbreak in the nineteenth century.
Syphilis and the spread of venereal diseases were of grave concern in London, in terms of both the public’s health and the conventional morality. In an effort to stop the spread of syphilis, the 1864’s Contagious Disease Act allowed for military and police to arrest women they suspected were prostitutes, and subject them to extensive medical examinations. These examinations, as recounted by Josephine Butler, were truly horrific: “It is such awful work; the attitude they push us into first is so disgusting and so painful, and then these monstrous instruments,—often they use several. They seem to tear the passage open first with their hands, and examine us, and then they thrust in instruments, and they pull them out and push them in, and they turn and twist them about; and if you cry out they stifle you with a towel over your face. . .you feel the instruments pressing up to your stomach, making you quite sick, they push them up so far” (Butler, 22). The horrors of these involuntary examinations did not end there, however. If a woman was found to be infected, she was confined to a hospital for three months to over a year.
The Contagious Disease Acts were created as a way to monitor the perceived betrayal of the Victorian female ideal, and in Dracula, Lucy embodies the betrayal of the ideal with her assumed impurity and promiscuousness. As readers, we quickly learn that Lucy is a more sexually liberated woman when she reflects on her three marriage proposals: “Why can’t they let a girl marry three men, or as many as want her, and save all this trouble? But this is heresy, and I must not say it” (87). Her temperament, unlike Mina’s more traditional values, is what makes her vulnerable to Dracula’s advances and ultimately leads to her infection. Throughout Dracula, Lucy’s battle with vampirism improves and worsens, but constantly bears a striking resemblance to someone with a very serious and untreated case of syphilis. Lucy’s symptoms, several characters note, include malaise, sore throat, and difficulty breathing: “She was ghastly, chalkily pale. The red seemed to have gone even from her lips and gums, and the bones of her face stood out prominently. Her breathing was painful to see or hear” (173). Similarly, some of the most common symptoms of syphilis include fever, fatigue, sore throat, and weight loss. As her condition worsened, her gums began to recede: “The gums seemed to have shrunken back from the teeth, as we sometimes see in a corpse after a prolonged illness” (183), which is another sign of untreated syphilis. Untreated or congenital syphilis can cause the canine teeth or the incisors to have a very pointed, fang-like appearance, a major symptom also caused by the vampiric contagion Lucy is infected by.

The appearance of the bite itself ties Lucy to both the female promiscuity London feared as well as Dracula himself. The ribbon around her neck that she had hidden the wound from Dracula’s bite matches the description of a chancre, or a painless sore that appears where the syphilis infection has entered the body. This alone would cause for suspicion of syphilis under the Contagious Disease Acts, as Lucy is both portrayed as a more promiscuous woman and an infected woman. Like the prostitutes effected by the Contagious Disease Acts, Lucy requires the intervention of medicine in order to purify her from her mindset, which will also help give her the strength to overcome her vampiric infection. Both Lucy’s promiscuity and the disease itself must be cured in order to uphold public health and social order.
While the goal of treatment is to cure Lucy of her assumed promiscuity, Dr. Seward and Van Helsing’s relationship with Lucy, metaphorically, gets very intimate when they give her the blood transfusions necessary to save her life. In the first instance where Lucy needs blood, Dr. Seward is more than ready to give his blood to her before Arthur enters and declares: “I would give the last drop of blood in my body for her” (175). This symbolic transfusion is first between Lucy and her fiancé, but due to Lucy’s vulnerable temperament, she falls victim to Dracula again and needs another transfusion while Arthur is not present. Dr. Seward, who is in love with Lucy, gives her the second transfusion: “It was with a feeling of personal pride that I could see a faint tinge of colour steal back into the pallid cheeks and lips. No man knows, till he experiences it, what it is to feel his own lifeblood drawn away into the veins of the woman he loves” (184). The language Stoker uses to describe this transfusion is very sexual, as even Dr. Seward’s blood is here referred to as lifeblood, an obvious metaphor (for semen lol). There is a sense of scandal with both Dr. Seward and Van Helsing’s transfusion with Lucy, it is something to be kept from Arthur as: “it would frighten and enjealous him” (185). Her previous desire for three lovers is hauntingly fulfilled in her three blood-transfusions, and because Lucy’s openness and assumed promiscuity is uncurable, her vampirism is also uncurable.
The vampiric change Lucy undergoes is horrific; as she loses her humanity, she begins to prey on the thing most important to the traditional, maternal woman: children. The change in her demeanor is drastic too: “Lucy Westenra, but yet how changed…purity to voluptuous wantonness” (301), and there is something very sexual and lusting about her vampiric presence: “There was something diabolically sweet in her tones, something of the tinkling of glass when struck, which rang through the brains even of us who heard the words addressed to another” (302-303). As her evolution in to a vampire is completed, the seductiveness and sexuality of Lucy becomes very clear. However, even though she is portrayed as a beautiful temptress, the rational men do not fall victim to her, as they understand the risk of infection and do not let emotion dominate their thinking.
To the Victorian reader, Lucy’s body, and the modern woman’s body, harbors the contagion in a way that is dangerous for their future generations. Stoker’s Dracula was written right on the cusp of both feminism and public health awareness in London, and vampirism capitalizes on the fears of the unknown and what lay in the shadows. The real horror of Dracula is how much he can poison and spread in the city with little detection, as in many ways the pandemics London had faced had all sparked similar anxieties of contagion and social impurity. The Victorian fear of impurity, and subsequent corruption that arises from illness and disease, is at the heart of what made Dracula and vampirism so dangerous and terrifying.
Bibliography:
Jordan, Jane, and Ingrid Sharp. Josephine Butler and the Prostitution Campaigns: Diseases of the Body Politic. Routledge, 2003.























